There is no doubt that the first reason for the attention is that elections are to be held in the most populous country in Africa thus bringing into bold relief the march or otherwise of plebiscite democracy in an important African country.
A second and definitely compelling reason for preoccupation with the elections is that the elections of February 14 and 28 are scheduled to hold in a situation in which the nihilistic insurgent group, Boko Haram, is said to control about 50,000 square kilometres of the country’s territory.
A second and definitely compelling reason for preoccupation with the elections is that the elections of February 14 and 28 are scheduled to hold in a situation in which the nihilistic insurgent group, Boko Haram, is said to control about 50,000 square kilometres of the country’s territory.
The seizure of Nigerian territories by the terrorist Boko Haram has resulted in the displacement of over 650,000 Nigerians and another 80,000 as refugees in Cameroon and Chad. In effect, thousands of Nigerians may not be able to exercise their right to vote.
Yet, a third factor why the elections have attracted the attention of the international community is the unpleasant history of electoral malfeasance in Nigeria. Past elections in the country were characterised by rigging, switch of election results, vote suppression, and use of the media to promote the governing party. In addition, security forces were deployed by the Federal Government to intimidate the opposition, their candidates and supporters. The inexplicable election result of June 21, 2014 in Ekiti State is a reminder.
Regrettably, we appear not to have learnt from past gross electoral chicanery of 1964, 1965, and 1983 when turmoil followed elections of those years. Indeed, the pattern of past electoral malpractices appears to have reared its head again or is in the offing as seen in recent events. Briefly, these events are purchase of voter cards, character assassination, disruptive court cases, false opinion surveys, and sudden transfer of top police officers. In addition, the Peoples Democratic Party-led Federal Government is said to have released billions of naira to farmers, in order to influence Nigerian voters.
Instead of investing in infrastructure, the PDP, on the eve of a crucial election is bribing Nigerians with a one-time so-called stomach infrastructure. After the elections, it will abandon ordinary Nigerians to insecurity, darkness, hunger, starvation, and unemployment whilst its political barons feed fat in the house of patronage and continue their looting of the treasury. They will continue to ignore 60 per cent of Nigerians who live below the global poverty level, that is less than a dollar a day.
The Nigerian middle class, a dwindling class due to President Goodluck Jonathan’s economic mismanagement, is also suffering. The spending power of the class has been eroded due, amongst other factors, to the dramatic depreciation of the naira by about 25 per cent since October 2014. This has inflationary consequences. Further, import duty on used cars which the middle class can only afford has gone up by 35 per cent. An additional 35 per cent is to be added in April 2015 making 70 per cent increase in a dubious effort to produce vehicles which prices will be beyond the reach of the average Nigerian.
The salaried category in the Nigerian middle class, most of who are public employees in the states of the federation, are owed salary arrears due to late transfer or non-availability of statutory funds under federal control to the states of the federation. Of course, the PDP may blame the crash in oil prices as the cause of the financial difficulties faced by Nigerians. However, Nigerians know that in 2010, at the time he took over as President, Jonathan met over $9bn in the Excess Crude Account and about $60bn dollars in the Foreign Exchange Account. Over $7bn and close to $30bn have been spent in these accounts under Jonathan leaving a balance of barely $2bn in the Excess Crude Account, an account that was meant for a period like this when oil prices are falling. A visionary and competent government should have known that prices of oil crash between five and seven years and accordingly prepare for the rainy day. The last oil crash was in 2008; six years later, 2014, there was another crash. What makes the current crash very problematic for Nigeria is that the United States of America, a major importer of Nigerian oil, now exports oil and in a year or two might be the largest oil producer in the world. This is due to its production of shale oil through hydrofracking.
In the old days, Chief Obafemi Awolowo would have warned Nigeria about the economic and financial difficulties Nigeria is now experiencing as he did in 1980 on the verge of then Nigeria’s economic and external debt difficulties. That is why when measured against the standards adopted by Awolowo, then the leading light in Afenifere, he would certainly not have endorsed Jonathan. Indeed, he would have trenchantly criticised him for gross mismanagement, incompetence and condoning of wanton corruption. He would also have noted the marginalisation of the South-West except for the little crumbs thrown at the elements in the PDP from the zone. Even with less than 10 days to the elections, appointments are being made to ministerial positions and the appointee is gloating. In another political clime, the status quo would have remained as the outcome of the election may not return to office the incumbent. Of course, except there is a hidden master plan to rig the election and thwart the preference of the Nigerian people.
In the history of independent Nigeria, not once has there been a change of power at the federal level between the ruling party and opposition (Nigeria since 1964 has held six federal elections under civilian administrations and three under military rule). African countries such as neighbouring Republic of Benin, Ghana, Senegal, and Mauritius in southern Africa have peacefully voted out ruling parties in favour of the opposition. Indeed, power has changed hands between government and the opposition twice in Ghana, Republic of Benin and Mauritius. These African states thus meet the test of Prof. Samuel Huntington, the late American political scientist, as democratic states. Nigerians can advance, deepen and begin the process of consolidating democracy by peacefully voting out the PDP and installing the APC in power.
Yet, a third factor why the elections have attracted the attention of the international community is the unpleasant history of electoral malfeasance in Nigeria. Past elections in the country were characterised by rigging, switch of election results, vote suppression, and use of the media to promote the governing party. In addition, security forces were deployed by the Federal Government to intimidate the opposition, their candidates and supporters. The inexplicable election result of June 21, 2014 in Ekiti State is a reminder.
Regrettably, we appear not to have learnt from past gross electoral chicanery of 1964, 1965, and 1983 when turmoil followed elections of those years. Indeed, the pattern of past electoral malpractices appears to have reared its head again or is in the offing as seen in recent events. Briefly, these events are purchase of voter cards, character assassination, disruptive court cases, false opinion surveys, and sudden transfer of top police officers. In addition, the Peoples Democratic Party-led Federal Government is said to have released billions of naira to farmers, in order to influence Nigerian voters.
Instead of investing in infrastructure, the PDP, on the eve of a crucial election is bribing Nigerians with a one-time so-called stomach infrastructure. After the elections, it will abandon ordinary Nigerians to insecurity, darkness, hunger, starvation, and unemployment whilst its political barons feed fat in the house of patronage and continue their looting of the treasury. They will continue to ignore 60 per cent of Nigerians who live below the global poverty level, that is less than a dollar a day.
The Nigerian middle class, a dwindling class due to President Goodluck Jonathan’s economic mismanagement, is also suffering. The spending power of the class has been eroded due, amongst other factors, to the dramatic depreciation of the naira by about 25 per cent since October 2014. This has inflationary consequences. Further, import duty on used cars which the middle class can only afford has gone up by 35 per cent. An additional 35 per cent is to be added in April 2015 making 70 per cent increase in a dubious effort to produce vehicles which prices will be beyond the reach of the average Nigerian.
The salaried category in the Nigerian middle class, most of who are public employees in the states of the federation, are owed salary arrears due to late transfer or non-availability of statutory funds under federal control to the states of the federation. Of course, the PDP may blame the crash in oil prices as the cause of the financial difficulties faced by Nigerians. However, Nigerians know that in 2010, at the time he took over as President, Jonathan met over $9bn in the Excess Crude Account and about $60bn dollars in the Foreign Exchange Account. Over $7bn and close to $30bn have been spent in these accounts under Jonathan leaving a balance of barely $2bn in the Excess Crude Account, an account that was meant for a period like this when oil prices are falling. A visionary and competent government should have known that prices of oil crash between five and seven years and accordingly prepare for the rainy day. The last oil crash was in 2008; six years later, 2014, there was another crash. What makes the current crash very problematic for Nigeria is that the United States of America, a major importer of Nigerian oil, now exports oil and in a year or two might be the largest oil producer in the world. This is due to its production of shale oil through hydrofracking.
In the old days, Chief Obafemi Awolowo would have warned Nigeria about the economic and financial difficulties Nigeria is now experiencing as he did in 1980 on the verge of then Nigeria’s economic and external debt difficulties. That is why when measured against the standards adopted by Awolowo, then the leading light in Afenifere, he would certainly not have endorsed Jonathan. Indeed, he would have trenchantly criticised him for gross mismanagement, incompetence and condoning of wanton corruption. He would also have noted the marginalisation of the South-West except for the little crumbs thrown at the elements in the PDP from the zone. Even with less than 10 days to the elections, appointments are being made to ministerial positions and the appointee is gloating. In another political clime, the status quo would have remained as the outcome of the election may not return to office the incumbent. Of course, except there is a hidden master plan to rig the election and thwart the preference of the Nigerian people.
In the history of independent Nigeria, not once has there been a change of power at the federal level between the ruling party and opposition (Nigeria since 1964 has held six federal elections under civilian administrations and three under military rule). African countries such as neighbouring Republic of Benin, Ghana, Senegal, and Mauritius in southern Africa have peacefully voted out ruling parties in favour of the opposition. Indeed, power has changed hands between government and the opposition twice in Ghana, Republic of Benin and Mauritius. These African states thus meet the test of Prof. Samuel Huntington, the late American political scientist, as democratic states. Nigerians can advance, deepen and begin the process of consolidating democracy by peacefully voting out the PDP and installing the APC in power.
Epistle of...........
ReplyDeleteBuh wait o! Those towns controlled by Bokoharam are u telling me our army cannot enter there and decimate these guyz? Dis is just unbelivable. Hmmm! "Uwaifo don talk e own o".
ReplyDeleteAbeg don't blive this guys fake news
DeleteFake news
DeleteHmm,sum serious talk...nice piece
ReplyDeleteBottom line of his story shows he is an APC apostle...they keep talking as if d entire 36 states are under PDP control when we know APC govern most of d state n yet no difference or sign of improvement compared to PDP govern states....hmmm
ReplyDeleteI tell una say na epistle
ReplyDelete